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REASONS 

FOR 

JOINING THE REPUBLICAN PAliTY. 



REASONS 



HON. SAMUEL _A.. FOOT, 

Late Judge of the. Supreme Cotirt of New York, and noiu a Member of the Asiembk/^ 



FOR 



ACCEPTING A REPUBLICAN NOMINATION. 



Geneva, October 24, 1855. 
Gentlemen: 

I had the honor, on the 20th instant, of receiving your letter, informing 
me of my nomination, on that day, as the Republican candidate for Mem- 
ber of Assembly for the Eastern District of this County, and have con- 
cluded to accept it, which I freely do. 

This honor was unsolicited, and I return my thanks to the Convention 
for it. 

In view of the present condition of political parties in our State and 
country, and of my former political associations, i deem it due to myself, 
and to my personal and political friends, to state as briefly as I can, the 
principal reasons which have induced me to accept your nomination, and 
place myself on the Republican platform. 

Every well-informed man in the country knows that the principles of 
National and State policy which led to the formation of the Whig party, 
some eighteen years ago, and constituted the dividing lines between it and 
the Democratic party, no longer form issues between them, and that those 
parties in fact no longer exist as formerly organized. The establishment of 
the sub-treasury, and acquiescence in it, have settled all questions respect- 
ing the safe-keeping and management of the National finances. The dis- 
tribution of the public lands among the several States is given up, and no 
longer even discussed. The improvement of our National rivers and har- 
bors by the General Government is admitted to be constitutional and proper 
by a large majority of the old Democratic Party, and they have united with 
the Whigs in Congress, on several occasions, in passing laws for that pur- 
pose. The protection of our domestic manufactures, by a discriminating 
tariff, has been virtually abandoned — in part because deemed hopeless, 
and in part because many of our manufacturing interests have become 
8o well established as not to require protection. The issue which aroseia 



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2 






1844 between these parties, respecting the admission of Texas into the 
Union, and which involved the principle of extending Slavery over free 
territory, and on which the Presidential election of that year mainly turned, 
has likewise ceased to be an issue between them, as they were then organ- 
ized. For at the session of Congress following the Presidential canvass, 
Whigs in Congress, from the slave Slates, joined with Democrats in ad- 
mitting Texas into the Union with Slavery engrafted on her Constitution; 
thereby introducing Slavery into a large territory which was free before it 
was wrested by lawless violence from Mexico by Slavery propagandists, 
and by that act abandoned the Whig principle, not to allow Slavery to be 
established on free soil. In the conte>t of 1850, between Slavery and Free- 
dom, respecting the free territory actjuired by conquest and purchase from 
Mexico, the whole Whig Parly in the slave States (with very few, if any, 
exceptions) took ground, with Slavery, against admitting California with 
Freedom, and in favor of allowing Slavery in the Territories of New Mex- 
ico and Utah ; and at the close of the contest went ibr the Compromise of 
that year, by wliich a large portion of the old province of New Mexico 
was added to Texas, and in that way an extensive region of beautiful 
country, dedicated to Freedom, was brought under the thraldom of Sla- 
very ; and finally, last year, when plighted faith was to be violated, and 
Kansas and Nebraska opened to Slavery, the Whigs from the slave Stales, 
with a few honorable exceptions, supported, in one solid phalanx, the ini- 
quitous measure, allowed Slavery to be introduced into an immense region 
of fertile land, which thirty-five years ago was devoted to Freedom by the 
most solemn sanctions; and thereby violated, in the most objectionable 
manner, the Whig principle of excluding Slavery from free soil. 

This review of events shows, that of all the old national issues between 
the Whig and Democratic Parties, only one remains — and that is, the ex- 
clusion o( Slavery from free soil ; and even on that, the old Whig Party 
have separated, the portion belonging to the slave States taking the lead 
in the separation. 

In respect to State policy, only one issue was ever made between the 
Whigs and Democrats, and that regard<^d our internal improvements. On 
that subject there is no longer a real dilFerence. All parties have united in 
amending the Ct)nsiitution, so that our enlarged Canal may be completed 
at the earliest practicable period. 

Wiiat, then, is there left of public duty, to which the old Whig Party 
stands pledgeil ? I see nothing, except the principle for which we so ear- 
nestly conltndf'd in l^l■l — naiu'^ly, the exclusion of Slavery from free soil, 
A Whig Party, continued or revived, to accomplish anv other object but 
this, beiii's its name. Wiiy, then, adhere to a name which is no longer 
appropriiile ? Is it not more sensible, liberal, and patriotic, to meet our 
Democratic fellow-citizens, who agree with us in opinion, on a common 
ground, and take a iianie indicative of our princij)les and t)bjects ? 

The old Democratic Parly, at levist what there is left of it in this Slate, 
and whicli has the distindive name of " Hards," is true to the only old 
issue left, and upludds the rf^peal of the Missouri Compromise, and con- 
sents to the introduction of Slavery into Kansas and Nebraska. The great 
lM)dy, however, of the old Denioi-rntic Party, especially in this State, Iwgan 
to look at Slavery througli a dilfcn'nt medium, alter Mr. ^'an Huren was 
deprived of u nomination for the Presidency at the DemoiTalir Convention 
in iH14, by Pru-Slnvery Democrats, because he had taken manly and pa- 
triotic ground against the admission of Texas wilh Slavery into the Union; 
and now, a large majority of that Party, probablv thref-fifihs, perliapM 
more, are against tlie exiensiun of Slavery, and condemn the repeal of the 
Mi.«otiri Compromise. Those wlio are earnest and zealous on that sub- 



^rw i 



jeci have, in general, separated from the organizations of the two sections 
of that Party in this State, "Hards " and " Softs." united with the Whigs, 
and formed a Repubhcan Party, which will be loyal to the Union, and 
sustain the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, and 
secured by the Constitution of our General Government : Prominent 
among them, is the exclusion of Slavery from iVee soil, and from all terri- 
tory es and places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United Statee. 

I am free to say, that this course meets my entire approbation ; and the 
more so, because it carries out the opinions and principles, in respect to 
Slavery, entertained unanimously by our forefathers. North and South, 
and embodied by them in the Declaration of Independence and the Con- 
stitution of the United States. 

All acquainted with the history of our country, know that the founders 
of our institutions concurred in the opinion, that " Slavery was a great po- 
lit ical and moral evil," and confidently expected its early extinction. As 
the Constitution was made for all time, the framcrs of it would not allow 
the word "Slave" or " Slavery " to be introduced into it, although it was 
necessary to incorporate provisions in it respecting Slavery. They consid- 
ered the institution of Slavery so inconsistent with the Republican Gov- 
ernment which they were establishing, that they would not permit its fair 
features to be marred even by the name ; and, on the motion of a Delegate 
from a slave State, the word was excluded from the Constitution. How 
differently now do our fellow-citizens of the slave States, at least a large 
majority of them, think of Slavery ! They now deny it to be an evil, affirm 
it to be a blessing, attempt to justify it by Divine as well as human law; 
and several of the more northern slave States do not hesitate, avowedly, 
to breed and raise slaves, male and female, for a southern and distant mar- 
ket. Did our fellow -citizens of the slave States confine their preferences 
to their own States, and not attempt to spread them over free territory, or 
press them upon their fellow-citizens of the free States, there would be 
little or no complaint. But within the last twelve or fifteen years, a spirit 
of propagandism has taken possession of our slaveholding fellow- citizens. 
They have succeeded in pushing their favorite institution into Texas: first, 
by violence against a peaceful neighbor; and second, by bold, persevering, 
and skillful management at home. They drew the country into a war 
with Mexico, to obtain a wider space for Slavery, but, as yet, have gotten 
by that only a part, though a valuable part, of Mexico. 

As a part consideration, however, for withholding for the present direct 
efforts to press Slavery into our Territories of New Mexico and Utah, they 
obtained a law compelling freemen, independent citizens of the free States, 
to assist them in catching their runaway slaves, at the peril of fine and im- 
prisonment for refusing. They agreed that the Compromise of 1850 should 
end forever all agitation of the Slavery controversy, and the free States 
reluctantly acquiesced in it ; but, no sooner was their acquiescence secured, 
than new projects were set on foot to extend and strengthen Slavery. An 
able and influential journal, published at Charleston, South Carolina, ad- 
vocated, in a series of well-written articles, a revival of the atrocious and 
horrible African slave trade, and was not rebuked, so far as I observed, by 
a single journal in the slave States. In a Convention held (if my memory 
serves me) in Louisiana, called to advance Southern interests, and com- 
posed of delegates from slave States, a proposition to renew that inhuman 
traflSc was introduced, and seriously debated. Repeated plots and law- 
less attempts have been made to seize Cuba, with all her slaves, with a 
view to annex her to the Union. The hope is entertained, and often avowed, 
of adding the whole of Mexico to our Union, and spreading Slavery over 
her fertile plains. 



i K " ti r^ t-^ iA^k^'k^ 



The supporters and advocates of Slavery have frequently ^^'^l^jf \1^^ |^?^ 
feryearf'boasted, that ere long ^'-^1-'^- -°^^ 'b t the c wS 

reSof the mLouh Compromise. The fact that the slave power used a 
number of Sectors and Representatives from the free States, as agents to 
•moduce and carry the measure through Congress aggra^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
justifying or even ^-i:^^^:;:^:ZJ^\^: ^ ctfiLT; of 
tLKl w" iU n to^ .raTtl"^^^^^^^^ n.srep esent the.r consthuet^ts 

Th nearu^eis noionly an unmuigated breach of phghted faith winch 
has diScei he American name, but an act of gross .njust.ce to the Iree 
Stated No wonder it has roused their indignation. Slavery .s prepann^ 
fomake and has already commenced, one more aggression on the rights 
of d P I ree State'^ exceedingly oflensi ve to the feelings of freemen. 

s a prfn pie of the comLon law of England, and one which has been 
adopted by al he free States of our Union, that there can be no Slavery on 
Freedom'! soil-that as soon as a slave steps within the bo^n^^^y ''"^^^^f 
a free State and sets his fool on free soil, he becornes a Ireeman Th s 
orin'inlet qualified by our Federal Constitution, and a slave is still held 
fn SlLverv thouc^h within a free Sve^^e, provided he is a fugitive from a 
Le St^te of our'Union. Hence the rule in our free States is, that if a s ave 
comes no tl"m from a slave State, with the assent ot his owner, he is no 
u^ ive! and consequently free. The Judges oi the S".P-'"^ Cou^'^^^,^;^^^^^ 
United Stales, so far as they have expressed ^^V ^^/'"-"^.g^";,' .^/"c'our 
at the Circuits, have affirmed this principle, but the bupreme Louri 
hse f has no yet directly passed upon it, the question not having been 
p e en ed to hit tribunal. In the hope of obtaining Y^<^l^^-\[^^''^;^ 
Srrihat an owner of slaves may carry them through a free State w.tlv- 
oul t ;ir beco?„in^ free, the State of Virginia has carried up to it, for review 
an " rsXtl- decisi'on of the late Judge Paine. "^ ;^-/"|;-'-^Cour ol 
New York, made a few years since, giving reedom to a fa.mly of U^ es 
whom a ciii/enof Virginia v/as carrying through ihi. ^tate to put on 
Wal a ve siut New York to send south. Within a few days pa.t. a 
dTs r cl Jud 'e of the Uniled States, at Philadelphia, has given an opinion. 
Uia a s ave urider nay carry his slaves through a free Siaie. without losing 
his ri^'to hold them in Slavery. Should the slave power succeed m 
e abl^s bin- Hus principle in its f^vor, then any slaveholder may dr e a 
Sin gan^of slaves ffom Maryland or Virginia, through ^-^^}^^ 
ar d NVw Jersey, to the city of N.-w York, or on through our Mule, i on- 
necticu Rhode sland. and Massachusetts, to Boston and th.;re ship them 
raSouihenport; and so. too, may a slav.l.old..r drive a like gang from 
Kenuu-ky or Missouri, through Illinois. Indiana. Ohio. Pennsylvania, and 
r^fr S . e to the citv of New York, or on through our Stale and Massa- 
r lusH 'to R on or ■u.y otln-r Ea'sn-rn porl.and there ship them South. 
Whe. a riMit lo do ihis is one estahlisli.'d. it is no stretch ol the magina- 
Uo to sumo j; that some bold and impudent slave-driver, to lloul our 
New ?^. "land brethren, may drive his gan,; of slaves up on to DunkoT 
\h\\ -u Ft i.-re beside ll.e monument, erected to Freedom's cause call the 
loll :.; it mamu-l..d band, and thus ae-comphsh the Pro-Slavery boast far 
iooii.-r than any frim.l of lue.dom has apprehended. 

This spirit of propagandism. so restless. .nergKic and lawless, and these 

agir .^iv acts -sp -cully th- d.ep wrong of repealing th,. Missouri ( om- 

pmmis... and pushing Slavery by force and fraud into -'»-'^. j*"'""^ ^/'^ 

wisht- of a large m:rjorilv of her . iti/ens. have forced upon the ou, t y 

h. .ih-mn is.ue. whether thi. nation .hall b-come a great slaveholdmg 



Repuohc. This issue must be deternjined, ^^^.f-l^y^^tlli 'fnenLTf 

-'^':Z^tis is -possible because if^^^^^^ 

Union as free, she may allerwards aller her Co^stituUon, ^"'"^ ^ ^1^, 

and still maintain her position in the Umon This is a n. .ta 

provision of the Constitution is " New States ^2wVT^X^^e:ii of 

Congress, into this Union." ^^ Congress may admit a new .^ , ^^^ 

course may refuse to admit ; and if u r"^X ^^"^^ which i will admil. If 

the power io prescribe the terms o'^ ^^"'^/^'^"f^ ^/^^X^^^ 

a new State should be admitted on condition U^att shou d oie 

Slavery from its borders, and should ^^^J^^™^ J j .^I'se into a Ter- 

(which is not probable, and barely P«f '^^') ;^c^rX aS of Rep- 

iitory. Then it would become the duty of t e S nate and H^ ^^^ ^J^_ 

resentatives, as they are judges of ^^^ "l"^' J^Tn'ors and Representa- 

bers, to refuse admission to their Houses of the Sena^ojs^ an V^^^^^ ^^ 

lives from the delinquent State; and of Congress, to legislate lor 

a Territory, and establish a T-ritorial Governn.^^^^^^^^^^^ 

Congress so to legislate should be questioned t^ieconsmu y ^^_ 

''n^^^;e,W,. has caused t^egrea^c^ge, in th. oj,m^^^^ 

ourfellow-cit.zensof the slave ^'■^'''''''P''}'^ff;^S 'thouA t it a direful 
them to think Slavery a blessing, when '"^"^'ij^^'^^^^^^ perpetuate 

evil? What has led them to st"ye with pe severmg ener y to^^^ ^^_ 

and extend Slavery, when their fathers 'If "^^^ f^; 'XT^^^ forever, by 

tinction,and confined it to its then ^'^f^^^' ^^;l^fl '"^n^^^^^ 

dedicating to Freedom all th^''^''^^'^ i rnmfitLle cul ure of cotton. 
Other causes have operated, particularly the pofitablecu^^^^^^ 

but the main cause of this change ot opinion, I apprehencJ, 
^^S^ political power is secured, by our ^f-l Constitution, . 
ownership of Slavery, wherever it ef'^^%^,^,^^ ^If^Vabled them to 
The possession of this power by the ^if^j^^^.fj^^^^y^^fje always been in 
control the Government ol the country although they ha^^^ ^^. ^^^^ 

a minority, compared with the free States. «"/ ^^^'"^ its advantages, 
slave States have held this power lor Y^^^.^: .^ ^ W Con it^tion, Rep- 
and enioy its pleasures. It consists in ^*^f^-J'y;,',,';°"f States accord- 
resentatives in Congress are apportioned ^7«gJ^\^^^^;';7 ^ ,lave State, 
ing to population ; and m ascertaining the PoP^'^^^on ^^^^ ^ngso, the 
fiv^e slaves are counted as three ree P^jsons. B^ h^^ ff^ee population of 
free States were found to have ( eaving ou jVactmnO^ J and 3,000,000 
13,000,000; the slave States, a like Pop"^;^ ^,^" ";^^;'^^^3'''" l^hese had been 
of slaves. There are 233 Representatives l\^^^l''^-J\^„ to their/ree 
apportioned among the States ot the ^^^on equaUy accordm^^ 

population, the free State^ "^^''^"^.^'Tlfofiiue^^^^^^ 85 members 

the slave States 74-a difference in ''^^or f he iree b a es ^^^^ ^^^^ 

of Congress-and of course the like """f/ ^^^^^^fft J^ ,^ves as three free 
President of the United Slates But hy/^ountm h e s ^^.^^^^^^^^^ ^^_ 
persons as the Constitution directs, ^^^^ ,j^, ,,,,, 

S^^SlIaSlh^iflS^e^ int^or^ the .ee States of only 55 mem- 



bers of Congress, and votes for Pret-ident and Vice President, instead of 85, 
and producing a loss of political power and influ«-nce (o the free Slates of 
30 members of Congress and Presidential votes. This, in eflect, takes from 
the free States 15 members of Congress and Presidential votes, being the 
difference between 159 to which ibey would be entitled on an equal ap- 
portionment, and 144 which they now have; and gives these 15 members 
and Presidential votes to the slave States, being the difference between 74, 
to which they would be entitled on an equal apportionment, and ^9, which 
they now have; thus produciBg an inequality of political power in favor 
of the slave States of of) members of Congress and Presidential votes. Con- 
sidering this excess of political power to be equally distributed among the 
voters of the slave States, (which is the most favorable view of it for 
them,) as the deprivation of it is, in fact, among the votes ol the free 
States, then a voter in a free State is seven-eighths of a man politically, 
and a voter in a slave State a full man, and one-eighth more. 

In the free States, every voter has the same political power, but in the 
slave States it is far otherwise. The Congressional districts in the free 
States contain in general about 14,000 voters; but in those sections of the 
slave States where the slaves are most numerous, the number is much 
less. For instance, the 4th Congressional district in Virginia has 7,000 
voters, and the 4th Congressional district in Alabama 6,000. Hence, a 
freeman and a voter in Ontario county, N. Y., is less than half a man, 
politically, compared with a voter in the 4th district of Alabama. It takes 
more than two of us freemen to make one man there.* 

Well might Senator Seward contend, as he did the other day in his 
speech at Albany, that there is a privileged order in this country — a polit- 
ical aristocracy. But when the fact is brought to our notice, that there 
are only 350,000 slave-owners in all the slave States, and that the excess of 
political power, of which I have been speaking, is in reality held and 
wielded by them, we see that there is in our midst, not an aristocracy 
merely, but a powerful and dangerous oligarchy — a privileged few, who 
have heretofore not only controlled their own States, but the Union also. 

The least that our fellow-citizens of the slave States can expect from 
their brethren of the free States, is, the exertion of all their constitutional 
rights to conline this oligarchy to its present limits. Indeed, our patriotic 
fellow-citizens of the slave States, who are not actual members of this oli- 
garchy, should unite with us in preventing its extension, and exert them- 
selves (for they alone have the powerj to effect its ultimate extinction. 

It appears to me, that the proposition advanced by the su[)poriers and 
apologists of the repeal of the Missouri Compiomise, viz: that the inhabit- 
ants of a Territory should have tlie right to determine whether Sl.ivery 
should or should not be introduced into it, and whether it should come 
into the Union as a free or slave State, is most unreasonable, unsound, 
and unjust. There would be more ground for this proposition, if the in- 
habitants of the T<rrii()ry w«re alone affected by the introduciiou of Sla- 



* This .Kubjert, and the ellect it produces on a freeman who has a rensonable 
■hare a self-respect, whs well illuslruted the other day in n eonversnlion be- 
tween two brothers, mid wliii )i one of them rejieated to me. Tliese brothers 
are members of our bur, imd disliiijrui.shed for talents, aeiiuiremcnts, and moral 
worth. The elder is u Hunker, and the vounjjer a Soft iJemocrat, in |>olitics. 
They were euaversini;; on the bubjcet of .Slavery, and the tteriuus iihpeot it has 
UJiHumeil. In the lourHC of the convtrsution, the elder brother taid to tiio 
younj^er, " Henry, what do you care about the iiijrfriTs down South?" Tho 

JouDKer nnnwcred, "Well, I dun't cure much about them, but 1 don't want to 
• a nigger myMlf." 



very into their State. But they are not. The citizens of the ll-ee States 
are deeply and seriously affected by it ; for the admission of every new 
slave State into the Union increases the inequality of political power be- 
fore mentioned, to their injury, and adds to the danger of llie slave oligarchy. 
The proposition in effect gives to the inhabitants of the Territory a right to 
take from the free States a portion of iheir just and equal poiiiicai power 
and inlluence, and appropriate it to themselves — an injustice so glaring 
as to be almost, if not quite, absurd. 

Many gentlemen whom 1 highly respect and esteem, and with whom I 
have been agreeably associated politically for many years, appear lo think 
that a party formed, among other objects, to restram Slavery within its 
proper limits, must necessarily be a sectional party. It seems to me this 
is doing injustice to our brethren in the slave States; for it assumes that 
every one of them is ready and willing to justify the dishonorable act of 
repealing the Missouri Compromise, and forcing Slaverv by violence and 
fraud into Kansas — to join in accomplishing the direful calamity of con- 
verting this nation into a great slavehokling Republic — that each and all of 
them have lost all respect for the opinions of their fathers, of glorious 
memory, and no longer believe, with them, tliat Slavery is a political and 
moral evil. For one, I cannot do them such injustice; and I fully believe 
that the Republican Party will have many able and patriotic supporters in 
the slave States. But should the contrary prove true, and our Southern 
fellow-citizens join to a man in pushing Slavery over free territory, and 
crowding it into free States, are we not to unite in resisting ilienj by law- 
ful, peaceful, and constitutional means? Did our Washinguni, when advi- 
sing against sectional parties, contemplate and intend to advise pusillaniuious 
submission to a sectional effort to crowd Slavery, by dishonor, fraud, and 
violence, into free territory ? Would he have put his name to a bill to 
violate plighted national faith ? Would he have favored the fraud and 
violence in Kansas? "Would he have advised the freemen of the fr^e States 
to become passive and silent under the deep wrong which has been done 
them ? No indeed ! He would have been foremost in resisting, and uni- 
ting with them to resist, such dishonor and injustice. 

As to any fear of a dissolution of our glorious Union, by pursuing con- 
stitutional means to restrain our slave oligarchy, and keep it within its 
present bounds, the bare suggestion of such a i'ear is too preposterous to 
be worthy of the serious notice of a sensible man. Our Union can no 
more be dissolved, than the continent on which it rests. The slavel.oldino- 
oligarchy will he the last to attempt it. Not only does their slave property^ 
but their very lives, depend on the security which the Union gives them. 

In conclusion, I join cheerfully the Republican standard. Having be- 
gun my political life a Republican, I hope so to end it. 

My views respecting temperance and a prohibitory law are so well 
known, that it is hardly necessary to allude to the subject; but, to prevent 
all cavil, I will add, that I approve of the following resolution passed by 
our political friends at Syracuse: 

" Whereas certain Conventions of politicians in this State have made 
a party issue on the law prohibiting traffic in intoxicating liquors, thus 
wresting its interpretation from the courts, and appealing from the expres- 
sion of the popular will which dictated said law ; therefore, 

" Resolved, That, firmly believing the great principle of prohibition to be 
right, we will resist the attempt now being made lo prevent a trial of the 
practical working ther-^of in this State." 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

SAMUEL A. FOOT. 
Tb JV. IV. Watson, A. J. Shanrwn, and James Lane, Eti/inres. 



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